2024 ജനുവരി 19, വെള്ളിയാഴ്‌ച

Hydroxychloroquine: COVID ‘cure’ linked to 17,000 deaths

Amidst the panic of the first wave of COVID-19, existing drugs were repurposed as a treatment. Some ideas were fatal, including one briefly praised by then US President Donald Trump.Researchers have linked hydroxychloroquine—an antimalarial drug that was briefly promoted by former US President Donald Trump and others as a “miracle” medicine for COVID-19—to an increased mortality rate of up to 11 per cent.There was a great panic to find treatments for the respiratory disease during the first wave of the pandemic and, as is standard practice, pharmacologists looked at existing medicines to test whether any would help while we waited for a vaccine and the development of new drugs.ALSO READ | WHO sees ‘incredibly low’ COVID-19, flu vaccination rates as cases surgeEven the WHO looked at hydroxychloroquine as a potential COVID treatment, said former WHO chiefscientist Soumya Swaminathan. “However, [our] trial showed no clinical improvements in patients, so we recommended against its use during the pandemic,” Swaminathan told DW. “At that point, we didn’t observe any association with increased mortality as our sample numbers were relatively small. You need large datasets for such findings to emerge.” She is currently the chairperson of the M.S. Swaminathan Research Foundation.Scientists: Don’t repurpose drugs in a panicThe researchers writing in the open-access journal Biomedicine & Pharmacotherapy, now say it is possible to link hydroxychloroquine to 17,000 deaths. They warn against repurposing drugs in a panic. “Although our estimates are limited by their imprecision”, they write, “these findings illustrate the hazard of drug repurposing with low-level evidence.”Swaminathan also emphasised the need for better evidence-based approaches during a pandemic, even amid public fear and panic. Hydroxychloroquine is generally safe, said Swaminathan, but “when you give it to a large number of healthy people preventively, the risk and effects need to be evaluated differently”.In addition, Swaminathan said, healthcare systems are likely to face new situations like the COVID pandemic in the future, and we need to be prepared for that: “When the need arises, we should be able to put some drugs into rapid human trials without bottlenecks or delays in approvals.”Hydroxychloroquine, the ‘miracle cure’“What do you have to lose? Take it,” said Trump, who hailed hydroxychloroquine as a “miracle cure”. And he was not alone. Many world leaders followed suit, sharply increasing the sale of the drug globally. Millions hoarded the drug for personal use. Many countries had recommended that its frontline healthcare workers take it every day as a preventative measure against COVID.“[It] lowers your immune reaction. This is the reason why it was administered initially in early COVID-19 cases, to suppress the cytokine storm,” said Subarna Goswami, a public health specialistfrom India, where hydroxychloroquine was officially distributed to healthcare workers as a prophylaxis, a treatment to prevent disease.The reason: COVID was found to produce cytokine storms in patients—their immune systems overreacted to the infection—and that was fatal.But hydroxychloroquine was not the solution. A somewhat blind hope in the drug came crashing down when the US Food and Drug Administration warned against its use and the WHO discontinued its hydroxychloroquine tests.How did hydroxychloroquine affect COVID patients?It is hard to say exactly how hydroxychloroquine affected COVID patients. But small-scale studies, for instance, had patients reporting cardiac discomfort or other side effects in the digestive system.A lack of larger study groups at the time makes it difficult to pinpoint the precise cause of those effects: researchers say they do not know whether it was the hydroxychloroquine alone, something else, or a combination of factors. “There is every possibility of unforeseen confounding factors that might have contributed to the excess death rate among the [hydroxychloroquine] takers,” said Goswami.In 2020, an analysis of 96,000 patients initially showed that those treated with hydroxychloroquine were more likely to suffer irregular heart rhythms. The publication of the results in The Lancet halted global trials of hydroxychloroquine for COVID. But the study was then retracted when inconsistencies were found in its data.This most recent study, the one linking hydroxychloroquine to 17,000 deaths, is a systematic review of studies conducted in the US, France, Belgium, Italy, Spain, and Turkey. Systematic reviews can be more reliable than individual studies because they combine the results from many different studies; so, you get the benefit of more data.But that also means that data is fused from studies that may have used different or even conflicting methods. If studies were adjusted for the differences in their methodology, they may even yield completely different results, commented Dr Lars Hemkens, whose paper was one among the 44 reviewed for this research. So, there is no consensus yet.
Is hydroxychloroquine still used as a treatment?Hydroxychloroquine has been used to treat malaria for decades. It works by reducing pain and inflammation. It is usually consumed for a short period of time, until a person is rid of the disease. The drug is also used to treat autoimmune disorders, such as lupus. Its anti-inflammatory properties have been shown to reduce the need for higher doses of other lupus treatments.Patients typically take a small dose of the drug over a long period, sometimes for the rest of their lives. Most people do not experience side effects, but it sometimes causes stomach pain, digestive problems such as nausea or diarrhoea, dryness of skin, or damage to the eyes after prolonged use.
Hydroxychloroquine: COVID ‘cure’ linked to 17,000 deaths - https://frontline.thehindu.com/news/hydroxychloroquine-covid-cure-linked-to-17000-deaths-soumya-swaminathan-antimalarial-miracle-cure/article67744423.ece, Check out this app to explore more. App link: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.thehindu.frontline

World’s five richest men doubled their fortunes to $869 billion since 2020: report

Oxfam’s annual report on inequality, released just before the WEF, said that close to five billion people have been left poorer since the pandemic.The combined fortunes of the world’s five richest men have more than doubled to $869 billion since 2020 while five billion people have been made poorer, anti-poverty group Oxfam said.An Oxfam report titled “Inequality Inc.”, which comes as business elites gather between January 15 and 19 for the annual World Economic Forum (WEF) meeting in Davos, found that a billionaire is now either running or is the main shareholder of seven out of the world’s 10 biggest companies. Billionaires have become $3.3 trillion richer since 2020, despite many crises devastating the world’s economy since this decade began, including the COVID-19 pandemic.
The group also said the fortunes of the five richest men—Tesla CEO Elon Musk, Bernard Arnault and his family of luxury company LVMH, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, Oracle founder Larry Ellison, and investment guru Warren Buffett—have spiked by 114 per cent in real terms since 2020, when the world was reeling from the pandemic.“We cannot continue with these levels of obscene inequality,” Amitabh Behar, the interim Executive Director of Oxfam International, said. He added that it showed that “capitalism is at the service of the super-rich”. Oxfam’s yearly report on inequality worldwide is traditionally released just before the Davos forum opens in the Swiss Alpine resort of the same name.
Inequality is no accident

’On January 15, Oxfam called for governments to rein in corporate power by breaking up monopolies, instituting taxes on excess profit and wealth, and promoting alternatives to shareholder control such as forms of employee ownership. It estimated that 148 top corporations made $1.8 trillion in profits, 52 per cent up on a three-year average, allowing hefty pay-outs to shareholders even as millions of workers faced a cost of living crisis as inflation led to wage cuts in real terms.“This inequality is no accident; the billionaire class is ensuring corporations deliver more wealth to them at the expense of everyone else,” said Behar. The report evidenced this by highlighting how the world could have its first trillionaire in 10 years, whereas it would take 230 years to end poverty.
If someone does reach that trillion-dollar milestone—and it could be someone not even on any list of richest people right now—he or she or they would have the same value as oil-rich Saudi Arabia. John D. Rockefeller of Standard Oil fame is widely considered to have become the world’s first billionaire in 1916. Currently, Musk is the richest man on the planet, with a personal fortune of just under $250 billion, according to Oxfam.ALSO READ | Education: Why rich and poor kids are growing apart“Around the world, members of the private sector have relentlessly pushed for lower rates, more loopholes, less transparency, and other measures aimed at enabling companies to contribute as little as possible to public coffers,” Oxfam added.The charity said thanks to intensive lobbying over tax policymaking, corporations have been able to pay lower corporate taxes, thereby depriving governments of money that could be used to financially support the poorest in society. Corporate taxes have significantly dropped in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries from 48 per cent in 1980 to 23.1 per cent in 2022, Oxfam noted.‘Stakeholder capitalism’The Davos events were launched to champion “stakeholder capitalism”, which the WEF says defines a corporation as being not just about maximising profits but fulfilling “human and societal aspirations as part of the broader social system”. Oxfam said its report, based on data sources ranging from the International Labour Organization and World Bank to the Forbes annual rich list, showed such aspirations were far from being fulfilled.“What we know for sure is that today’s extreme system of shareholder capitalism, which puts ever-increasing returns to rich shareholders above all other objectives, is driving inequality,” said Max Lawson, its Head of Inequality Policy.ALSO READ | Indian economy’s ‘K-shaped’ recovery shows the rich are thriving, while the poor struggleMeanwhile, nearly 800 million workers saw their wages over the past two years fail to keep up with inflation, resulting on average in the equivalent of 25 days of lost annual income per worker, according to Oxfam’s analysis. Of the world’s 1,600 largest corporations, just 0.4 per cent of them have publicly committed to paying workers a living wage and to supporting a living wage in their value chains, the study found.Despite representing just 21 per cent of the global population, rich countries in the Global North own 69 per cent of global wealth and are home to 74 per cent of the world’s billionaire wealth, Oxfam said. In addition, Oxfam said Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, which sent energy and food costs soaring, disproportionately hit the poorest nations.“We are witnessing the beginnings of a decade of division, with billions of people shouldering the economic shockwaves of the pandemic, inflation, and war, while billionaires’ fortunes boom,” Behar said.(with inputs from Reuters, AFP, AP, and PTI)
World’s five richest men doubled their fortunes to $869 billion since 2020: report - https://frontline.thehindu.com/news/oxfam-inequality-inc-report-2024-world-five-richest-men-doubled-their-fortunes-to-usd-869-billion-since-2020-wef-davos-ceo/article67744622.ece, Check out this app to explore more. App link: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.thehindu.frontline

Supreme Court’s Article 370 judgment leaves crucial questions unanswered on federalism and sovereignty

Despite recognising asymmetric federalism, the verdict overlooks concerns about sovereignty, Parliament’s powers, and the future of statehood.In its judgment delivered on December 11, the Supreme Court’s five-judge Constitution bench, defines asymmetric federalism as a part of the Indian federal scheme, involving differential rights to certain federal sub-units. The bench interprets asymmetric federalism as a part of the basic structure.The main judgment, authored by the Chief Justice of India, D.Y. Chandrachud, on behalf of himself, and Justices B.R. Gavai and Surya Kant acknowledges that the Constitution accommodates concerns specific to a particular State by providing for arrangements that are specific to that State. Articles 371A to 371J are examples of special arrangements for different States, and this is nothing but a feature of asymmetric federalism, which Jammu and Kashmir too benefits from by virtue of Article 370, the judgment adds.The judgment asserts that in asymmetric federalism, a particular State may enjoy a degree of autonomy which another State does not. “The difference, however, remains one of degree and not of kind. Different states may enjoy different benefits under the federal setup but the common thread is federalism,” the judgment explains.Asymmetric federalismIn Paragraph 165, the judgment specifically mentions that the special circumstances in Jammu and Kashmir necessitated a special provision, that is Article 370, and that it is an instance of asymmetric federalism. In Paragraph 481, the bench admits that while there are certain “unitary” characteristics present in the constitutional structure in terms of which the Union government has overriding powers in some situations, the existence of federal elements in the form of governments envisaged by the Constitution is a cornerstone of the polity. “This set-up has been described as quasi-federal, asymmetric federalism or cooperative federalism,” the bench adds.
Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul, in his concurring but separate judgment, adds that Jammu and Kashmir took a deliberate and conscious decision of joining India and negotiating autonomy within the asymmetrical federal model.How then did the judgment find the abrogation of Article 370 a valid exercise of power by the Union Government? The answer to this lies in the subtle and needless distinction between asymmetrical federalism and sovereignty. The bench found that the State of Jammu and Kashmir did not retain any element of sovereignty after the execution of the Instrument of Accession (IoA) and the issuance of the Proclamation dated November 25, 1949, by which the Constitution of India was adopted. “The State of Jammu and Kashmir does not have ‘internal sovereignty’ which is distinguishable from the powers and privileges enjoyed by other States in the country,” the bench clarifies.Basic structure under threat?But the bench skips any discussion on why lack of “internal sovereignty” should deprive Jammu and Kashmir of its asymmetrical federalism, which it admits is a feature of the basic structure of the Constitution. Just because Article 370 was conceived of as a temporary provision, as the bench asserts citing historical and other constitutional provisions, can its continuance as a feature of asymmetrical federalism be dispensed with, albeit ignoring its disastrous consequences for the basic structure? If the basic structure of the Constitution is disturbed, its very edifice is under threat, as observed by the Supreme Court in another case.In Paragraph 163, the bench asserts that residual legislative powers cannot be equated to residual sovereignty. “It instead reflects the value of federalism and the federal underpinnings of the Constitution of India,” the bench adds. The bench made this claim in the context of Jammu and Kashmir, which unlike other States, had residuary legislative powers in view of Section 5 of its Constitution. The Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir, the bench recalled, had taken a consistent stand that sovereignty with respect to all matters other than those stipulated in the IoA continued to reside in the State..
Even if the bench is justified in making this distinction between internal sovereignty and a federal feature, there is no discussion in the judgment as to why such an important federal underpinning of the Constitution should be abandoned without sufficient justification.In Paragraph 482, the bench quotes Dr.B.R. Ambedkar approvingly as having stated in the Constituent Assembly that the States under our Constitution are in no way dependent upon the Centre for their legislative or executive authority, and that the Centre and the States are coequal in this matter. In Paragraph 483, the bench states that the existence of the States breathes life into democracy by empowering citizens to participate in governance. The bench also relies on Article 1 to state that the States are essential and indispensable to the constitutional structure of the country, and that the Union cannot exist without the existence of the States.In his separate and concurring judgment, Justice Sanjiv Khanna adds that conversion of a State into Union Territory has grave consequences, amongst others, it denies the citizens of the State an elected State government and impinges on federalism. He also observes that conversion or creation of a Union Territory from a State has to be justified by giving very strong and cogent grounds and that it must be in strict compliance with Article 3 of the Constitution.
the bench shied away from examining the validity of downgrading the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir to two Union Territories merely because Solicitor General Tushar Mehta promised that the Centre would restore statehood.Diminishment of representative democracyIn their pleadings before the Court, the counsel for the petitioners clearly pointed out that in the history of independent India, an existing State has never been retrograded into a Union Territory, and that this leads to a diminishment of representative democracy and federalism. The Indian understanding of federalism, the petitioners highlighted, is not to treat states as mere administrative units. The adage that India is an “indestructible union of destructible states” only means that the States can be reorganised by the Parliament; but they cannot be extinguished or retrograded into the Union Territories, in violation of the federal structure, the petitioners told the bench during the hearing.More important, the petitioners told the bench that the power under Article 3 of the Constitution—dealing with the formation of new States and alteration of areas, boundaries, or names of existing States—cannot be used by Parliament to create a “Union of Union Territories”: a euphemism to the splitting of erstwhile Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories, namely, Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh. This is because Article 1(1) states that India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States. The issue is not whether Parliament would in fact do that, they argued, and asked the bench to recognise that the power of the Union under Article 3 clashes with the principle of federalism.
But the bench not only failed to examine Parliament’s power under Article 3 in the light of the bifurcation of the erstwhile Jammu and Kashmir State into two Union Territories, but also did not subject the Union government’s claim of causing no infringement to any federal features to critical scrutiny.More significantly, the bench sadly failed to lift the veil and examine the validity of the proclamation of President’s rule under Article 356 of the Constitution to enable abrogation of Article 370, because in its view, the petitioners’ challenge to it did not survive after the splitting of the erstwhile State into two Union Territories. It was a clear subterfuge by the Union Government which went unexposed by the Court.V. Venkatesan is an independent legal journalist based in New Delhi. Formerly Senior Associate Editor with Frontline, he has been reporting and commenting on legal issues for news portals.
Supreme Court’s Article 370 judgment leaves crucial questions unanswered on federalism and sovereignty - https://frontline.thehindu.com/columns/legal-acumen-v-venkatesan-supreme-courts-judgment-on-article-370-a-setback-to-asymmetric-federalism/article67645407.ece, Check out this app to explore more. App link: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.thehindu.frontline

2024 ജനുവരി 8, തിങ്കളാഴ്‌ച

Covid drug caused excess deaths: Study

Covid drug caused excess deaths: Study
Telegrapgh Epaper, 09, January 2024

G.S. MUDUR New Delhi: The use of the anti-malarial drug hydroxychloroquine (HCQ) to treat Covid-19 caused excess deaths among patients, according to a study that has questioned afresh policies adopted in early 2020 by India and other countries

Medical researchers have in their study linked HCQ to an excess of 16,890 deaths among Covid-19 patients during the first wave in six countries alone -- Belgium, France, Italy, Spain, Turkey, and the US -- where reliable data was available

India s health ministry and the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) were among health agencies in several countries that had included HCQ in the government-approved treatment guidelines for Covid19 in the early months of the pandemic

The decision to include HCQ in the Covid-19 treatment guidelines defied calls from sections of medical and public health experts who cautioned about inadequate evidence of benefit to Covid-19 patients. India s health agencies did not drop HCQ from their treatment guidelines even after a landmark, so-called Recovery clinical trial in the UK had flagged excess deaths among patients who had received HCQ

In the new study, Jean Christophe Lega and his colleagues in Lyon and other institutions in France analysed Covid-19 hospitalisation, exposure to HCQ among hospitalised Covid19 patients, and death rates in those who received HCQ and those who had not, and overall death rates in hospitalised patients

To calculate the excess deaths attributable to HCQ, they used data from a previous study, done in 2021, that had found that Covid-19 patients who received HCQ had an 11 per cent greater risk of death than those who had not received the drug

Covid deaths

Telegrapgh Epaper, 09, January 2024

FROM PAGE 1 They have calculated 12,738 HCQ-related deaths in the US, 1,800 in Spain, 1,822 in Italy, 199 in France, 95 in Turkey, and 240 in Belgium. Their findings were published last week in the journal Biomedicine and Pharmacotherapy

A similar analysis from India would require Covid19 hospitalisation data, the proportions of patients who received HCQ, whether at home or in hospital, and death rates among those who received HCQ and those who did not

Sections of medical experts in India had expressed surprise at the ICMR s refusal to revise the Covid-19 treatment guidelines even after the UK Recovery trial results had been published in November 2020, showing no benefit but potential harm from HCQ

Health and ICMR officials had through 2020 argued that there was evidence for HCQ s benefit, that it had been deployed under emergency circumstances to manage the new virus, and that there was no evidence of any excess mortality from India

An ICMR official who was among those who had argued in favour of HCQ during April and May 2020 did not respond to a query from this newspaper requesting a reaction to the new study by the French researchers

India s health ministry dropped HCQ from its Covid-19 treatment guidelines only on May 27, 2021, releasing a revised treatment protocol that many experts at the time said for the first time reflected evidence-based guidelines

Only 12 days earlier, an earlier iteration of the revised treatment guidelines generated by the ICMR had retained HCQ. But doctors in government and private hospitals had months before that stopped using HCQ, taking into account the UK Recovery results.

https://epaper.telegraphindia.com/imageview/457969/2413169/undefined.html

https://epaper.telegraphindia.com/textview/457977/3614869/undefined.html


Supreme Court Sets Aside Remission Of 11 Convicts In Bilkis Bano Case;

Supreme Court Sets Aside Remission Of 11 Convicts In Bilkis Bano Case; Asks Them To Surrender In Prison
In a highly anticipated judgment, the Supreme Court on Monday (January 8) set aside the remission of 11 convicts sentenced to life imprisonment for multiple murders and gang rapes, including that of Bilkis Bano, during the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat.

The court held that the State of Gujarat was not the "appropriate government" to decide the issue of remission as the trial was held in the State of Maharashtra. Since the Gujarat Government was found to be incompetent, the remission orders were held to be invalid. Accordingly, the court directed the convicts, who were given premature release in August 2022, to surrender in prison within two weeks.
After an 11-day-long hearing that began in August, a division bench of Justices BV Nagarathna and Ujjal Bhuyan reserved its judgment on October 12. Besides this, the court also directed the Gujarat and union governments to submit original records available with them.

Today, Justice Nagarathna, who authored the judgment, began her pronouncement by invoking classical Greek philosopher Plato. "Punishment is to be inflicted not for the sake of vengeance but for the sake of prevention and reformation. In his treatise, Plato reasons that the lawgiver, as far as he can, ought to imitate the doctor who does not apply his drug with a view to pain only, but to do the patient good. This curative theory of punishment likens penalty to medicine administered for the sake of the one being chastised. Thus, if a criminal is curable, he ought to be improved by education and other suitable arts and then set free as a better citizen and less of a burden to the State. This postulate lies at the heart of the policy of remission."
Not only the reformative theory of punishment, but she also prefaced the judgment by pointing out the competing interests involved, of the rights of the victims and the victims' families to justice, and the right of convicts to a second chance by remission or reduction of their sentence. She added, "A woman deserves respect howsoever high or low she may otherwise be considered in society or to whatever faith she may follow or whatever creed she may belong to. Can heinous crimes against women permit remission? These are the issue which arise."
In its judgment, the court answered five main issues.

First, answering the question of whether the petition filed by Bano, one of the victims, under Article 32 of the Constitution was maintainable, the bench said, "It is clearly maintainable. The arguments of senior advocates Guru Krishna Kumar and V Chitambaresh are not accepted."

Second, the court refused to answer the question of whether the petitions filed as public interest litigation (PIL) petitions were maintainable. Justice Nagarathna said, "We do not think it is necessary to answer this question since one of the victims herself has approached the court. The question of the maintainability of the PILs do not call for an answer, being rendered academic and is left open in an appropriate case. Consideration of the merits of Bano's petition is enough."

Third, the judge proceeded to read out the portion of the ruling dealing with the competence of the State of Gujarat to pass these remission orders. She began with an interpretation of Section 432 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, which mandates the appropriate government to seek the opinion of the convicting judge while considering applications for premature release -

"This clearly means that the place of occurrence of the incidence or place of imprisonment are not relevant considerations, and they have been excluded from the definition of Section 432 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. The intent of the legislature is that the appropriate government is of the state within which a convict was tried and sentenced. The emphasis is on the place of trial and sentence, rather than the place of commission of offence or sentencing. This also takes within its ambit a situation where a trial is transferred from a competent court within the territorial jurisdiction of one state, to one in another state."
On that short ground alone, the orders of remission has to be quashed. The competency of the State of Gujarat goes to the heart of the matter," Justice Nagarathna said, but quickly added that the matter did not end there. The judge acknowledged that Gujarat government had to decide the applications and pass the order under challenge in terms of the May 2022 decision of the Supreme Court.

However, Justice Nagarathna reasoned that this direction was issued in a writ petition filed by one of the convicts, Radheshyam Shah, by suppressing material facts like an earlier decision of the Bombay High Court and the opinion of the presiding judge and making misleading statements. This decision was a nullity, inasmuch as it was hit by fraud and the doctrine of per incuriam, the court held. The Court also held that the said judgment (which held that Gujarat Government was competent to decide remission) was per incuriam as it was contrary to the plain letter of the statute as well as binding judgments of the Supreme Court.
The convict played fraud on this court. The Gujarat High Court's order could not have been challenged in a writ petition, nor could it have been set aside in writ proceedings. Hence the said order is a nullity and non-est in law. Consequently, the May 2022 order is hit by fraud and is a nullity. It cannot be given effect to. All proceedings pursuant to the said order are vitiated. This judgment is also "per incuriam" as it refused to follow binding precedents, including the Constitution Bench judgment in Sriharan, regarding the appropriate government for remission."
Fourth, while answering the question of whether the impugned remission orders were in accordance with law, Justice Nagarathna revealed, "We need not have gone into the other issues. But for sake of completion, we have." Rule of law is breached because the Gujarat government usurped power not vested in it and abused its power. "The exercise of power by the State of Gujarat is an instance of usurpation of power and abuse of power. This is a classic case where the order of this court was used to violate the rule of law by granting remission. On that ground also, the remission orders deserve to be quashed," the judge said.

The Court also criticised the Gujarat Government for not seeking review of the May 2022 judgment.
Fifth, while dealing with the issue of what would follow when the remission orders have been set aside, the court revealed that it was a 'delicate issue' that was given an 'anxious consideration' by the judges. In answering this question, the bench weighed the paramountcy of the rule of law against the personal liberty of the convicts. When Article 21 did not permit a deprivation of an individual's right to liberty in a manner not supported by the rule of law, could liberty be upheld in the face of a breach of the rule of law, Justice Nagarathna asked. The judge also spoke about the role of constitutional courts in being a 'beacon' in upholding the rule of law, which she insisted, must be preserved "unmindful of the ripples of the consequences".

Finally, directing the convicts to be sent back to jail, Justice Nagarathna said -

"If the convicts can circumvent the consequences of their conviction, the peace and tranquillity in the society will be reduced to a chimaera. The courts have to be mindful not just to the spelling of justice but also the content of it. It is the duty of this court to correct arbitrary orders at the earliest and to retain the foundation of trust of the public...We cannot forget the conduct of the convicts, particularly, the one who had abused the process of this court. The deprivation of liberty is justified inasmuch as they have been erroneously set at liberty. One cannot overlook the fact that they were in jail for a little over 14 years, with liberal paroles and furloughs. The status quo ante must be restored. Plea of protection of liberties of these convicts cannot be accepted by us. The rule of law must prevail. When the impugned orders are set aside, the consequences must follow."
Advocate Shobha Gupta appeared for Bilkis, the rape survivor, while Senior Advocates Indira Jaising, and advocates Vrinda Grover, Aparna Bhat, Nizamuddin Pasha, and Pratik R Bombarde represented various public interest litigants. Additional Solicitor-General SV Raju appeared for both the State of Gujarat and the Union of India. The now-released convicts were represented by Senior advocates Sidharth Luthra, Rishi Malhotra, S Guru Krishnakumar, Advocate Sonia Mathur, and others.

What did Bilkis Bano and other petitioners say about premature release of the 11 convicts?
Bano's lawyer, Advocate Shobha Gupta argued that the punishment imposed on Bilkis' rapists ought to be proportional to the nature and seriousness of the crime they were had committed – which included 14 murders and three gang-rapes. Highlighting the brutality of the crimes and the religious hatred motivating it, Gupta asked the Supreme Court bench if the convicts deserved the leniency they have been accorded:

“…Bilkis saw her first child's head being smashed on a stone. She kept pleading to the attackers because she was from the same locality as them. That is why she could name them. She knew them because they were from the locality. But they showed her or her family no mercy…Are these people – the perpetrators who have been found guilty of committing these crimes – deserving of the leniency shown to them?”

Besides this, Gupta contended that the government did not consider the societal impact of prematurely releasing Bilkis Bano's rapists, nor did it consider a host of other relevant factors that they were required to under the law. Flagging the 'leniency' the Gujarat government demonstrated towards the convicts, yesterday while delivering a rejoinder, Gupta said, "This barbaric crime has left an indelible mark on Bilkis. Therefore, this is not a case where the convicts deserve mercy. The convicts should be sent back. I'm beseeching this court with folded hands to send them back where they have come from."

Before Bilkis Bano herself approached the top court, a number of petitions had been filed in public interest, challenging the Gujarat government's decision. The list of petitioners include Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Subhashini Ali, professor Rooplekha Verma, journalist Revati Laul, Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Moitra, former IPS officer Meeran Chadha Borwankar, and National Federation of Indian Women. However, the government, as well as the convicts challenged the maintainability of the writ petitions filed by politicians, activists, and journalists saying that they do not have locus standi. The respondents argued that the grant of remission fell within the domain of criminal law, which did not countenance 'unnecessary interference' by third-party 'interlopers'.
for premature release after taking into account all relevant factors as prescribed under this policy.

Not only did the Gujarat government argue that the remission was legal and was granted after taking into consideration all factors required to be examined under the law, but it also cited the reformative theory of punishment to argue that even those convicted of heinous crimes deserved an opportunity to reform themselves and be reintegrated into society, on showing contrition and after serving their time.

In response to this, Justice Nagarathna posed an important query about remissions being selectively applied across the country. She asked, “How far is this law being applied to inmates in jail? Why are our jails overcrowded? Particularly with undertrials? Why is the policy of remission being applied selectively?”
objective of punishment was not to wreak vengeance, but to reform and rehabilitate the criminal. The bench also rejected the 'judicial propriety' argument of the respondents asking it to 'not sit in judgment over a coordinate bench's ruling', categorically stating that its 2022 judgment holding Gujarat government as the competent government to deal with the convicts' application for premature release would not bar a judicial review of the remission orders now.

Emphasing the tenet of reformation underpinning our criminal justice system, Mathur argued that remission was earned, and not granted as a matter of 'charity'. Chitambaresh, representing another convict, argued that remission orders can only be challenged in high courts, not the Supreme Court, contrasting the scope of Article 226 with that of Article 32. Another lawyer challenged the Supreme Court's authority to overturn the remission order on the grounds that “a fundamental right cannot be invoked against another fundamental right”. He emphasized that once remission is granted by the competent authority following relevant policies, the right to life and liberty accrued in favour of the convicts. He stressed the importance of safeguarding the rights of both victims and convicts, especially in view of the convicts completing 15 years of their sentences. Accordingly, he strongly insisted that once remission is granted in accordance with the applicable rules and procedures, the order should not be disrupted.
by the state government in 2022, provoking widespread outrage and protest. It also led to a batch of petitions being filed before the top court, challenging the decision of the Gujarat government to grant the convicts premature release. Among the petitioners are Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Subhashini Ali, professor Rooplekha Verma, journalist Revati Laul, Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Moitra, former IPS officer Meeran Chadha Borwankar, and National Federation of Indian Women. The top court issued notice in the first set of pleas on August 25 – ten days after the convicts were allowed to walk free – and agreed to take on board another batch on September 9.

Bilkis Bano approached the Supreme Court in a writ petition challenging the premature release of the 11 convicts. She also sought a review petition against the top court's judgment allowing the Gujarat Government to make a decision on the remission of the convicts, which was dismissed by the bench of Justices Ajay Rastogi and Vikram Nath.

Bilkis Bano Case | Convicts Argue That Remission Can Be Challenged Only Before High Courts; Supreme Court Expresses Doubts (Day 9)

'Send The Convicts Back To Jail, I'm Beseeching This Court; They Don't Deserve Mercy' : Bilkis Bano's Lawyer Tells Supreme Court (Day 10)

Case Title

Bilkis Yakub Rasool v. Union of India & Ors. | Writ Petition (Criminal) No. 491 of 2022

2024 ജനുവരി 2, ചൊവ്വാഴ്ച

Congress Leader Moves Supreme Court Challenging New Law Dropping CJI From Panel Appointing Election Commissioners

Congress leader Jaya Thakur has approached the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of Sections 7 and 8 of the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023, which was signed into law last week by President Droupadi Murmu following the parliament's winter session. Through this legislative move, the Chief Justice of India was dropped from a committee to appoint the chief election commissioner (CEC) and other election commissioners, which has now prompted this constitutional challenge
Thakur, the general secretary of the Madhya Pradesh Mahila Congress Committee, has argued against, among other things, the contentious removal of the chief justice, alleging that this is ultra vires Articles 14, 21, 50 and 324 of the Constitution inasmuch as it violates the principles of free and fair election. She has also relied on the Supreme Court's March ruling in Anoop Baranwal mandating the inclusion of the chief justice in the appointment process till the Parliament enacted a law regulating it in view of the need for an independent and unbiased selection panel.
The election commissioners' act, which received approval from the Lok Sabha on December 21 and the Rajya Sabha on December 12, replaces the Election Commission (Conditions of Service of Election Commissioners and Transaction of Business) Act, 1991, introducing key changes to the appointment, salary, and removal procedures for top election officials. The most notable feature of the new legislation is that the President would appoint the election commissioners on the strength of a selection committee's recommendation, prepared after considering a list of candidates proposed by a search committee headed by the union law minister. According to Section 7, the selection committee would consist of the prime minister, a union cabinet minister, and the leader of the opposition or the leader of the largest opposition party in the Lok Sabha. Section 8 empowers the panel to regulate its own procedure in a transparent manner, and even consider persons other than those suggested by the search committee.
This legislative development came after a constitution bench led by Justice (Retd) KM Joseph directed election commissioners to be appointed by the President of India on the advice of a committee consisting of the prime minister, the leader of the opposition or the largest opposition party, and the chief justice. The new law excluding the chief justice from the selection committee triggered a barrage of criticism from the opposition for alleged executive overreach and encroachment on the election commission's autonomy. Those critical of the bill also argued that this diminished the election commission's institutional legitimacy, and was contrary to the constitution bench's judgment.

However, during the parliamentary debate this session, Law Minister Arjun Ram Meghwal defended the move, saying that the appointment of election commissioners - which was earlier not governed by any specific provision under law - was an important responsibility of the executive. The minister said, "This is an important executive function. The architects of our Constitution enshrined the separation of powers in Article 50. The executive should do the executive's job, the judiciary should do the judiciary's job, and the legislature should do the legislature's job."

The Congress leader, in her petition, has raised apprehensions that the impugned sections would "destroy the democracy in our country" and nullify the Supreme Court's judgments on institutional independence, fairness and transparency in appointment processes, free and fair elections, and the rule of law. The petition states -

"[The union government] is compromising free and fair election by excluding the chief justice from the committee. The prime minister and their nominee always [being the] deciding factor, all the appointments will be done through the ruling party...Hence this process cannot be said to be free and fair and it violates the principle that justice should not only be done, but it must be seen also...Democracy is a part of the basic structure of our Constitution and the rule of law and free and fair election are basic features of democracy. The [union government] is destroying the basic structure of our democracy by misusing enforcement agencies against political opponents. The Supreme Court in the number of the cases held that the appointment to these agencies must be done in a fair and transparent manner. If their appointments is done in a biased nature, then they can be used as tools...The impugned Sections 7 and 8 of the act are destroying the democratic process of our country."

In related news, a public interest litigation (PIL) petition has been filed in the Supreme Court today asking for the setting aside of a December 28 gazette notification for the appointment of chief election commissioner and other election commissioners in terms of the election commissioners' act. The petitioners, regular practising advocates, have argued for the implementation of an independent and transparent selection system, constituting a neutral committee for appointing the chief election commissioners and other election commissioners, and the inclusion of the Chief Justice of India in the selection panel.

Election Commissioners Bill Affects Independence Of ECI, Will Make Free & Fair Elections A Chimera : Justice RF Nariman
https://www.livelaw.in/top-stories/supreme-court-election-commissioners-jaya-thakur-chief-justice-245667?infinitescroll=1